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Notre Dame’s reopening calls for celebration — and reflection
Photo by LUDOVIC MARIN/AFP via Getty Images

Notre Dame’s reopening calls for celebration — and reflection

The ultimate reason the great cathedral burned is that the West abandoned belief — and everyone knows it.

After five years of renovation and repair following the devastating fire in 2019, the bells of Notre Dame are tolling once again. Tourists can now visit the iconic Gothic cathedral, and the few practicing Catholics in Paris can once again attend Mass there. President-elect Donald Trump was among those present during its reopening weekend.

This is undoubtedly a moment of celebration for believers and nonbelievers alike. When news of the fire broke, many commentators, including myself, saw it not only as the destruction of a historic monument but also as a reflection of the cultural decline it symbolized. For millennia, France and the West upheld the true faith, fostered beauty, and pushed the boundaries of human achievement. Today, they have descended into mediocrity, marked by government entitlements, cultural erosion, and mass consumerism.

If people in the 21st century want to rebuild monuments like the Notre Dame cathedral, they need to start rebuilding the very spirit of these monuments in their souls.

Yet like the resurrected Christ, Notre Dame has re-emerged triumphant. It now draws even larger crowds, who appreciate it more deeply after nearly losing it. If the fire symbolized the West’s decline, then surely the cathedral's reopening must symbolize the West’s restoration — right?

As appealing as that narrative may be, we have little evidence to support it. In fact, a cursory look at the current state of Christianity in the West reveals a situation worse than it was five years ago. In France, a news channel faced severe penalties for factually reporting that abortion is the leading cause of death worldwide. Across the channel, England has legalized assisted suicide.

Meanwhile, in the United States, the Supreme Court has been forced to weigh in on whether states may outlaw genital mutilation and hormone treatments for minors. During this time, Pope Francis and his cardinals have spent years debating the meaning of synodality without resolution.

Rather than finding false solace in Notre Dame’s reopening, it would be more prudent to re-examine the cathedral’s fire with the benefit of hindsight.

For those who remember, the cause of the fire was initially unclear. French authorities attributed it to a random accident, while some “truthers” speculated it was an act of arson by a radical Muslim. Their suspicion stemmed from reports of Islamists celebrating the burning of Notre Dame and a wave of church-burnings across France at the time.

Elites vs. non-elites

From Emmanuel Macron’s perspective and that of the French government, blaming a Muslim fanatic for the fire was nearly as convenient as attributing it to stray cigarette embers. This explanation aligned with an anti-immigration narrative that blamed many of the West’s problems on unassimilated Muslim migrants. Framing the fire as a threat to Christian civilization posed by Muslim newcomers conveniently avoided challenging the political and economic status quo.

Recent history casts doubt on this framing. When examining all the details, the fire symbolized not a global clash between Christian and Muslim civilizations but an ongoing struggle between elites and non-elites.

If the fire had been solely a matter of Muslim non-Westerners resisting French culture, the French populace would have responded decisively. They might have voted for politicians and policies aimed at blocking and deporting North African and Middle Eastern migrants. And they might have re-evaluated their spiritual commitments, recognizing the importance of attending church and rejecting the hollow propaganda of French secular nationalism, known as “laïcité.”

Instead, the French remain as secular as ever, if not more so due to COVID-19 closures. They continue to vote for liberal politicians like Macron, who welcome ever more immigrants. This context makes it plausible that the fire was either directly or indirectly caused by French authorities seeking to gain sympathy, secure billions of euros for maintaining famous tourist sites, and distract the population to retain power. It’s reasonable to assume the reopening of Notre Dame will serve a similar purpose.

Without belief, everything shrinks

Those pointing to the recent collapse of the French legislature as evidence of a populist takeover and the end of elite secular dominance should temper their optimism. “Put not your trust in princes,” as the psalmist says. As I wrote a few years ago, the leaders of French populism are essentially no different from the French elites, aside from their opposition to immigration. If burning down a famous Gothic cathedral served their cause and helped them gain power, they would exploit the opportunity just as willingly.

Christians, populist conservatives, and self-proclaimed guardians of Western civilization should take a new lesson from the fire and reconstruction of Notre Dame Cathedral: a genuine revival of Christendom and Western civilization demands nothing less than a complete spiritual conversion.

It’s not enough to mourn the potential loss of a famous building. Humanity must refocus on first things. The ultimate reason Notre Dame burned is that the West abandoned belief — and everyone knows it. Without belief, everything shrinks, and the transcendence that enables the creation of beautiful churches and advanced societies vanishes. As a result, many in France and across the West now embody Nietzsche’s “Last Man” — oblivious dullards who seek only “little pleasures” and stupidly blink at the idea of pursuing anything meaningful or great.

If people in the 21st century want to rebuild monuments like the Notre Dame cathedral, they need to start rebuilding the very spirit of these monuments in their souls.

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Auguste Meyrat

Auguste Meyrat

Auguste Meyrat is an English teacher in the Dallas area. He is the senior editor of the Everyman and has written essays for the Federalist, the American Conservative, and the Imaginative Conservative.